I AND MY WORDS

  It has been a very long time since a budget actually cut short on frills and embellishments and took head on some of India’s bigger challenges. Political messaging in India for long has been couched in the poverty driven, gareeb kalyan , redistributive mindset which while seemingly right has made politicians forsake growth as a political strategy. To that end, the Narendra Modi government’s Budget 2021 with Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman have displayed a rare step - a break from the voter driven politics of India and actually pushing for growth. For the longest time, India’s political class has been deriving the wrong messages from electoral politics. This misplaced belief that free goodies, subsidies and coverage for all will somehow be able to buy the voter’s support has caused much damage to the economy. What has often been forgotten is that you can only distribute what you earn, and distributing wealth instead of poverty is what the voters would rather prefer. It is rema

  Sukhbir Singh Badal with Bishop Franko Mulakkal at an event in 2016 In the ongoing farmer agitation bringing attention on to Punjab, it is interesting to note the various social dynamics that have emerged over the past century first in the undivided state and post-partition, in the various mutations that eventually led to the present state of Punjab in India. An important phenomenon that has been obscured by the various tumultuous events over the years has been the rise and rise of Christianity in Punjab. Through this essay, an examination of this phenomenon is understood. From historical contexts, the role of the community in 1947 to the present state of affairs, an attempt has been made to bring all such details to light. What is also brought to light is the rather strange silence of certain groups who would rather respond to those looking to examine reasons for this conversion and exercise some kind of restraint on it.   The Moorings of Christianity in Punjab Christianity h

  There has been a lot of discussion about Vinay Sitapati’s book on the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in the pre-Modi era, especially the Jugalbandi of Atal Behari Vajpayee and Lal Krishna Advani. From the excerpts available online , one is wont to feel intrigued by the manner in which there has been a fresh take on the party and its activities, unlike the lazy trope of communalism, Hindu nationalism, cultural fascism that gets thrown around rather casually. The problems with these narratives, and where Sitapati differs distinctly from the face of it is the fact that there is an attempt to look at the moorings of the BJP and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) from their paradigm, giving space for a change for an emic viewpoint. Moreover, he has been prescient in pointing out, in not so many words, that the BJP and RSS can’t be called right-wing in the traditional European sense; rather, they would qualify better with a term ‘non-left’ for a variety of reasons. However, the excerpt